But not all was bad news for progressive candidates. In the same
election, Akbayan Citizens' Action Party topped the race with a record
number of votes, while senatorial candidates Luke Espiritu and Leody
de Guzman, both seen as progressive alternatives to candidates from
political families, gained more votes.
"It is a combination of both network and national exposure," said
Anthony Lawrence Borja, a political science professor at De La Salle
University, when asked how he would explain the difference in
performance between the Makabayan and Espiritu and de Guzman.
"Both Espiritu and De Guzman emerged into higher profiles in the past
few years. For Akbayan, Risa Hontiveros' profile might have
contributed to the rehabilitation and resurgence of her home
party-list. The contrary is true for most of the members of the
Makabayan bloc," he added.
Commission on Elections data showed that the four parties belonging to
the Makabayan bloc— Bayan Muna, Gabriela Women's Party, Kabataan
Partylist and ACT Teachers — got a combined votes of over 1.1 million
last elections, equivalent to just 3% share of total partylist votes.
It was their
weakest
performance since their original members, Bayan Muna and Gabriela,
joined the elections in 2001 and 2004, respectively. Votes for both
partylists were not sufficient to secure them a seat in the next
Congress, leaving only Kabataan and ACT Teachers to represent the
bloc. Worse, Bayan Muna is also at risk of getting permanently barred
from running after losing its second consecutive polls.
Votes for the Makabayan bloc have consistently declined since 2016
2010 had a record-high number of partylists at 187. ACT
Teachers joined the Makabayan bloc.
2010 had a record-high number of partylists at 187. ACT
Teachers joined the Makabayan bloc.
Note: Latest data for 2025 based on official tally of votes from the
Commission on Elections with 99.12% of precincts reporting.
For Sonny Africa, executive director of IBON Foundation, a
left-leaning think tank, Makabayan's losses all boil down to the
government's "systematic, widespread and long running attacks" against
the Left. These attacks, he said, transcended administrations and came
in various forms, including killings of members on the ground and
online, associating the Makabayan with communist insurgents, which the
group has repeatedly denied.
It was not like this two decades ago. It was the very opposition to
the administrations of Joseph Estrada and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo that
catapulted the Makabayan parties, already long existing, to public
view. They protested Estrada during his impeachment trial, and helped
make Arroyo the
most unpopular Philippine leader
since democracy was restored in 1986.
After getting formally established in 2009, the Makabayan even tried
to expand their footprint in the House by adding new partylists to its
wing in the succeeding elections.
Other Makabayan-aligned partylists have failed to enter Congress
The bloc tried to expand its membership at the House in early 2010
through new partylists. But none of them won enough votes to enter
the chamber.
Lowest share of votes earned by partylist with a Congress seat
Lowest share of votes earned by partylist with a Congress seat
Note: By election rules, failure of a partylist to win a seat in two
consecutive elections can trigger a partylist's disqualification
from the next elections.
But Arjan Aguirre, a political scientist at Ateneo de Manila
University, said the government's crackdown against the group and
their ideology eventually caught up with the Makabayan. As more
Filipinos became aware of their "radical left's ideological leanings,"
Aguirre said, more also turned their backs on them.
"Most Filipinos are anti-communist and anti-insurgency, and this is
reflected in the votes provided to the likes of [Rodante] Marcoleta,
[Panfilo] Lacson, [Ronald] de la Rosa, and [Tito] Sotto," Borja said.
To be clear, none of this is illegal: the Marcos Sr.-era
Anti-Subversion Act, which penalizes communist membership, has long
been repealed. Duterte himself was friendly with the Makabayan at the
outset of his presidency. With Duterte so popular however, the
falling out
ended harshly for the Makabayan. "Duterte institutionalized the
vilification of activists and normalized spuriously linking them with
armed insurgency and terrorism," Africa said.
In contrast, Espiritu and De Guzman did not have to endure the same
government attacks. Meanwhile, apart from Hontiveros, Africa said
Akbayan also benefited from adopting Chel Diokno as its nominee,
drawing support from his younger base.
In the Senate race, Espiritu and De Guzman, who political analysts
consider as moderate left, also lost, but they attracted more votes
this year compared with their previous run for the same office. They
also have more votes than Makabayan personalities who ran for senator
such as Gabriela's Liza Maza and ACT Teachers' France Castro, who led
the
House investigation
on Vice President Sara Duterte's alleged public fund misuse, a subject
of her impeachment later of the same chamber.
Espiritu and De Guzman gain ground on Senate ambitions
Number of votes for the two candidates and senatorial candidates of
Makabayan bloc
Votes from previous Senate run
Votes from previous Senate run
Votes from previous Senate run
"Their group…is composed by more diverse figures, of labor union
leaders, millennial organizers, Gen-Z sympathizers, etc. Their
leadership…is also diverse making it more relatable and appealing to
other sectors other than their own labor sector," Aguirre explained of
Espiritu and De Guzman.
Bayan Muna and Gabriela did not respond to requests for comment. In
earlier reports however, Makabayan has said the partylist system has
been populated by bogus groups meant to serve the interests of
politicians, This, in turn, has disadvantaged what it said are
legitimate partylists representing the marginalized sector in
Congress, as envisioned by law.
Since the Supreme Court ruling that broadened the partylist system in
2013, about one in three partylists were new candidates, meaning they
did not run in previous polls before the ruling was handed down, Data
Dictionary analysis of Comelec data showed. In 2022 under Duterte,
that number rose to one in two partylists, before going down to about
30% in 2025.
A crowded field
The share of new partylists running has ballooned from over one in
three in 2016 to over half in 2022. The share declined to 30% in
2025.
Note: New partylists did not include partylists that merely changed
names. Only partylists were counted, not their nominees.
Indeed, election observers have said that the partylist system can be
improved, and the Comelec has announced some effort to that end. But
that alone will not guarantee more chances of winning for the
Makabayan bloc the next election, if they cannot fix their tarnished
image before the public.
Borja said the Makabayan needs to do better in disassociating
themselves from the communist insurgency. Africa, for his part, see a
broader issue of restoring Makabayan's appeal to voters.
"There is no doubt that the Makabayan bloc's issues are all still
valid— poverty and inequality, human rights and democracy, universal
social services and welfare, rural development and national
industrialization…These demands have been unmet and made for so long
that they sound dated," he said.
"This points to improving relatability, authenticity and hopefulness
though, and not of irrelevance in fundamental issues," Africa said.
Prinz Magtulis
Note
Latest data for 2025 elections based on official tally of votes from
the Commission on Elections with 99.12% of precincts reporting.
Source
Commission on Elections
Copyright 2025 - The
Data Dictionary
Project
